1. Marxism Now
Edgar
Illias ( Indiana University):
“The
Procrustean Bed of Class Struggle”
A common misconception about Marxism in the
humanities is that class politics reduces the multiplicity of social phenomena
to the Procrustean bed of class struggle. This misconception begins by
presenting “class” as an identifiable attribute of subjects and as another
category among those of gender, race, sexuality, or nationality. Within these
premises it seems logical that, if one of these particular categories (class)
aims to explain the others, the multiple attributes of social subjects are
reduced and their singularity is eliminated.
My paper analyzes how the term class in
Marxism has a qualitatively different meaning that results from three main
interrelated oppositions: 1) the struggle for the abstraction of labor; 2) the
internal antagonism of the commodity value; and 3) the dialectics between the
content and the form of the social within capitalism. This analysis attempts to
reinstate class as a structural problematic for our political and cultural
endeavors.
Yet, my paper also proposes to question Marx
and argue that class struggle, as an ontological template that puts forward a
metaphysics of production, cannot make possible by itself the transition to a
new mode of production. Transitions are events that assume a moment of
difference unanticipated by class struggle. For this reason, we should not let
class struggle act as a Procrustean bed that keeps us from perceiving the
unfathomable, almost miraculous moment of true historical change.
Nicholas
Holm ( McMaster):
“The
Style of the Times: The Political Work of Mass Aesthetics”
In the work of foundational cultural
theorists, such as Dwight McDonald and Theodor Adorno, mass culture and
aesthetics operate as almost diametrically opposed notions: the former
reflecting capitalist domination, the latter speaking to autonomous resistance.
This opposition – between mass culture critique and aesthetic conceptions – has
proved persistent within cultural theory: even as critics reconceptualised
popular culture as critically political, they did so through a rejection of
mass culture models and thereby sustained the assumption that culture cannot be
both mass and meaningfully aesthetic.
However, in contrast to this apparent theoretical truism, my paper will
argue for a theory of “Mass Aesthetics” as a way to rethink mass culture as an
aesthetic site.
At the heart of this approach is an attempt to
consider aesthetics beyond an individual text: instead, I suggest that we can
also speak of a dominant mode(s) at the level of aesthetics. Thus, rather than
addressing the differences and distinctions between mediums, genres and texts,
I argue for the utility of addressing the shared set of aesthetic rules, logics
and qualities that arise out of cultural institutions, infrastructures and
industries held in common by Western media culture. I thus argue against
Michael Denning’s assertion of the “end of mass culture” and in response take
up the language of aesthetics – as it appears in the work of Adorno, Fredric
Jameson and other theorists of art and the avant-garde –to describe the common
qualities and priorities of contemporary mass culture, such as the relative
hierarchies of representational strategies and aesthetic modes. Tying the
notion of Mass Aesthetics to Jacques Rancière’s “distribution of the sensible”
I will then speak to the political consequences and possibilities of the
contemporary Mass Aesthetic, before concluding with a brief sketch of what I
consider to be the main characteristics of the contemporary Mass Aesthetic.
Odid
Nir ( Ohio State University):
“Totality,
Globalization, Culture”
In this paper I will argue for the importance
of rethinking the concept of totality for a critique of
globalization, conceived both as an ontological process and as discourse.
Drawing on the development of the concept of totality within Marxist and
post-Marxist thinking – and particularly in the writing of Marx, Lukacs,
Adorno, Althusser and Jameson – I will argue that two conceptions of totality
emerge: expressive and structural. Focusing on several prevalent theorizations
of cultural globalization (both Marxist and others), I will then argue that
these theories assume an uncritical and therefore reified identification of the
global with the total, the latter being conceived either as an expressive or a
structural totality. This tendency in attempts to imagine globalization
necessarily leads to a formulation of the global-local dialectic along the
lines of a dialectic between a universal and a particular, in which both the
global and the local are positively defined. Drawing on Adorno’s Negative
Dialectics, I will suggest that rethinking the local as a negatively defined
concept, or as a situated thematization of the negation of the global,
redefines the global-local relation and allows for a radicalized understanding
of political resistance to globalization, both material and discursive.
2. The Politics of
Creativity I: History, Creativity, Power
This presentation
provides a critical engagement of recent literature on the relationships
between creativity and interdisciplinarity. I frame the discourse of creativity
in light of specific examples and critical frameworks employed by various
scholars, including those artists and academics featured in our two MCAD
panels.
I present three
projects of mine that I have developed over last few years, and which in my
mind form a three-part whole:
Part 1: Theater Of
Operations (2008-2009)
Part 2: Theater Of
Operations: White Star Cluster (2010)
Part 3: Empty Words
[so that we can do our living] (2011)
Each one of these
projects considers our perceptions of, and relationships with history. More
specifically a sense of historical moment defined by extreme circumstances
related to armed conflict and violence.
3. Aesthetics of
Neoliberalism
Ricky Crano (Ohio
State University):
“From the Chicago School to the Smart Phone:
Rethinking the Legacies of Wiener and Hayek”
This paper argues
that a strange coupling of cybernetic systems theory and neoliberal social
thought renders us ill-equipped to perceive the role of telematic media in
producing the most egregious wealth disparity the democratic world has ever
known.
Historically,
cybernetics and neoliberalism both emerged as sober, neutralizing antidotes to
the high-modern totalitarianisms of interbellum Europe. Despite working in
vastly divergent fields and adhering to rather conflicting social ideologies,
Friedrich Hayek and Norbert Wiener independently elaborated models of
spontaneous self-organization rooted in freely accessible information (be it
packet or price) and a series of endogenous, self-correcting controls. Hayek’s
work, of course, inaugurated the Chicago School’s postwar boom and spurred the
rapacious privatization programs under Thatcher and Reagan, while Wiener’s
quickly spread from neurobiology and robotics to communications engineering and
automated production.
Key to Hayek’s
thought is his “catallactic” conception of society, which attests to the
necessarily fragmented nature of human knowledge and the consequent
impossibility of any central planning. From this, I construe the ideal
neoliberal market as that of financial abstraction, and the ideal society, one
tele-mediated by evermore, ever-smaller, increasingly customizable screens. I
propose that, well beyond the supply-sider’s victory over 1970s stagflation or
the aggressive anti-regulatory politicking over the succeeding decades, the
great triumph of neoliberalism occurs by virtue of its embeddedness in the
communications revolution. The convergence sets in motion twin processes of
global financialization and social demassification that lubricate novel
distributions of power, which we today aim to more rigorously understand.
“Neoliberalization
of Chinese Television and Heroes of the Reform”
This paper looks
into Chinese primetime television as a site where neoliberal-style wealth
redistribution and class reconstitution are glamorized. Since 1992, the year
that marked the official establishment of the market economy in China,
television dramas have been instrumental in legitimating a neoliberal society,
by redefining post-socialist heroes
(from communist
revolutionaries and socialist role models to capitalists, entrepreneurs and
pro-market bureaucratic elites) and creating a new ideal of citizenry by
valorizing those who, despite their low socio-economic status, successfully
transform themselves into neoliberal subjects. How does one make sense of the
class bias in Chinese television? Clearly, the crude propaganda model premised
on the repressive nature of the
Party-state has
exhausted its explanatory power given the highly disjunctive order of China’s
commercial media and cultural production. It cannot account for the uneasy coexistence
between the neoliberal discourse and other discourses and sentiments informed
by critical realism, humanism and revolutionary nostalgia. In other words, the
neoliberal turn of Chinese television has not been tension-free. Using two
television dramas as examples, this paper investigates the narrative and
affective strategies, with which neoliberalism weaves itself into the
mainstream aesthetics.
Calvin Hui (Duke University)
“China, or, the People’s Republic of
Capitalism”
My
presentation investigates how cultural productions and ideology are central to
discerning China’s integration to the global economic system, and the
subsequent emergence of the new petty bourgeoisie. Responding to the
conference’s theme, my presentation uses China
Rises to examine the mediated relationship between cultural form
(aesthetics), class formation (class), and geopolitical configuration (worlds)
in what I call “The People’s Republic of Capitalism.” Focusing on aesthetics, I argue that the cinema/documentary text can be
interpreted as an allegory of the contradictions of China’s capitalistic
modernization. It is through representation that the real contradictions of
China’s class hierarchies and national antagonisms are imaginarily registered,
worked out, and reconciled. Focusing on class,
I show that the
Chinese petty bourgeoisie is not an autonomous and self-determining class on
its own; instead, its existence is dependent upon the transnational and
bureaucratic bourgeoisie, and the post-socialist party-state power. Focusing on
worlds, the Chinese petty bourgeoisie
be interpreted as a
“national allegory” (Fredric Jameson) of China’s integration to global
capitalism. To be sure, this stratum manages labour and enjoys some of the privileges of the boss whilst
still being an employee punching a time clock. Both dominating and dominated,
the position of the petty bourgeoisie is laden with tensions. Its role as a
dominated agent of capitalistic domination mirrors the class and national
situations of China. From the class perspective, the Chinese petty bourgeoisie
serves the interest of global capital and the state to exploit the working
class for profit. From the national perspective, China is beginning to compete
with the U.S. and Europe for natural resources in Africa. Exploiting the
working class in its own country and the third-world, and entering in close
collaboration with global capitalism, the contradiction of China’s capitalistic
modernization can be located in the mediating role of the Chinese petty
bourgeoisie.
4. Facing Literary
Worlds
Nadine Attewell (McMaster
University):
“Thinking
Otherwise: Displacement, Postcoloniality and Utopian Desire”
Writing in 1998, the geographer and cultural
critic David Harvey called for “an alternative to the Thatcherite doctrine that
‘there is no alternative’” (17). Alternatives continue to be needed, now
perhaps more even than then. But how do alternatives get thought, let alone
enacted? In recent years, Marxist and queer critics such as Harvey, Fredric
Jameson, and José Muñoz have sought to rescue utopian texts and desires from
charges of irrelevance, escapism, heteronormativity, and totalitarianism,
showing how, in substance and in form, utopianism speaks of and to the here and
now. Still, what is intriguing about literary utopias is precisely that as
representations of “no place,” they are characterized by an apparent detachment
from the world. Thus, for example, literary utopias are often located at a
geographical remove from the world (or, at least, the world that is thought to
matter), a remove that reproduces, or can be mapped onto, the distance between
metropole and colony. Although local moments of possibility, rupture, and joy
may manifest utopia just as powerfully as the formal utopia, it is worth asking
whether the displacement of the literary utopia is a feature of (rather than
incidental to) the desire called utopia; to what extent this displacement
should be understood in relation to colonial histories of circulation,
proliferation, and resource extraction; and what this tells us about the
resources we draw on in thinking otherwise. It is not my aim to “[shout] down
utopia” (Muñoz 10). Rather, this paper reflects on the post/colonial
implications of thinking otherwise through other world-making before turning to
the other world-making of postcolonial and indigenous speculative writers like
Tobias Buckell, Nalo Hopkinson, and Daniel Heath Justice for a glimpse of not
only a transformed politics of place, knowledge, and identity, but a
transformed (decolonized) aesthetic (or epistemology) of the alternative as
well.
Jarad Zimbler (Wolfson College, Oxford):
“Neither Progress nor Regress: The Emergence of
J.M. Coetzee’s Bare Prose Style”
J.M. Coetzee’s early
novels are ubiquitously read as instances of late modernism or postmodernism,
works of anti-realism in which one finds everywhere the heavy fingerprints of
Kafka and Beckett. In this paper, I aim to show that, on the contrary, novels
such as Dusklands (1974), In the Heart of the Country (1977) and Waiting for
the Barbarians (1980) witness the development of a particular form of
provisional realism, a mode of writing notable above all for its bareness,
starkness and intensity. I argue that it is this bareness that is the truly
distinctive feature of Coetzee’s aesthetic practice – rather than its
reflexivity and aporetic disjunctiveness, as critics such as Derek Attridge
have suggested – and that, in its development, Coetzee was turning his back not
only on previous modes of South African realism, but also on the introversion
of Beckett’s late fictional prose. I concentrate largely on Dusklands, offering
a close reading of its syntax, and comparing its descriptive passages both with
those found in the novels of South African novelist Alex La Guma, as well as
with passages from Beckett’s Unnameable and Lessness. On this basis, I
outline a way of reading Coetzee’s novels as works that are oriented towards
the world, and that aim to reveal a brutal reality, stripped bare of human
relation.
Ziad Suidan ( University of
Wisconsin-Madison):
“The Politics of Exile in
Mahmoud Darwish’s ‘They Don’t Look Behind Them’
―They depart from the beautiful [sarcanet/silk brocade] to
The dust clouds of the midday heat, carrying their biers full
A certain amount of absence: an identity card and a letter
To a beloved, address unknown:
(“They Don’t Look Behind Them” Mahmoud Darwish (my translation)
From whom, to whom, from where, to where: the prepositional shifters
that circumscribe these questions are central to the consideration of the
figure of exile as imaginary, geo-political, and geophysical practices
reconsider the space upon which the exiles’ words travel, much less how their
person is made to cross borders metaphorically and physically. Can the exile be
located? Can the figure of the exile be literarily configured? This is not only
crucial to exile studies but to a reconsidering of how to think about the
concept of class and its aesthetic representation, itself continually
refracted, and re-plicated in and across different spatio-temporalities.
I use Mahmoud Darwish’s poem “They Don’t Look Behind Them” (2008) as a
case example. When considering letters between lovers whose names and very
physical addresses have been re-inscribed such that the nation-state that
regards them cannot bear the burden of a former time that is presently lived,
how, then, is class to be thought when peoples are cast out in, by, of, and
through language? Has the 19th century notion of class, itself
rooted in a question of an industrialized vocabulary of bourgeois and
proletariat classes, been replaced by the question of the citizen and the
stranger? What purposeful affect do these concepts have on the peoples
reclaimed now no longer part of a social network but rent apart by the very
processes that label one as belonging to a place and a time and the other a
floating signifier who is by definition precarious by nature?
Alexander Monea
(Bowling Green State University):
“Reading Mass
Inertia: The Politics of Affect and the Biopower of Aesthetics and Desire”
Félix Guattari wrote that machines of desire
and aesthetic creation are just as involved in modifying our cosmic frontiers
as any scientific machines. This notion has only grown in importance since Guattari published Chaosmosis. Many critics have embraced
the laments of theorists like Jürgen Habermas, Jean Baudrillard, and Paul
Virilio, all of whom mourn the dual loss of rational and productive popular
debate and the product of that debate’s accurate representation on the national
stage in some way. Baudrillard in particular looks forward to a future of
absolute implosion, prefaced only by mass inertia, in his book In the Shadow of the Silent Majorities.
However, he also argues that the masses indiscriminately consume spectacle.
Following theorists like Greg Seigworth, Lone Bertelson, Andrew Murphie, and
Brian Massumi, I will argue that this drive towards spectacle is really a
preference for affective intensity. Spinozan affect theorists almost
unanimously argue that the capacity to be affected goes hand-in-hand with the
capacity to affect. The masses are thus only inert semiotically, phallogocentrically.
They are wildly active in producing and consuming affective ebbs and flows,
transducting intensities from, to, and between themselves. As Massumi notes,
their bodies are radically open to affect, to the world, and to one another,
which creates new potentialities for biopower (both in the Foucauldian top-down
form and in Michael Hardt’s bottom-up conception). I will finish by analyzing
the ways in which machines of desire and aesthetic creation, both monoglossic
and heteroglossic (read: hegemonic or subaltern), might tap into the biopower
engendered by this new paradigm. While this investigation will only be
preliminary, it is essential that attention be called to the forms of biopower
emerging from this new aesthetical-libidinal-political paradigm.
“Cynicism: The Structure
of Late Capitalism, Lived and Felt”
My paper for the
Aesthetics / Class / Worlds conference proposes that we understand cynicism as
an aesthetic and thus political category. Cynicism is more
commonly used as an adjective to describe political disengagement or
disinterest (see Baudrillard 1994, Bewes 1997 and Virno 2006); in other words,
it is framed as a problem of ideology or conviction. I argue, however, that
cynicism is more productively thought of in terms of affect or feeling,
specifically as a public feeling, or an affective state that is produced at the
level of culture and yet felt at the level of the subject (see Cvetkovich
2003). In other words, this paper works to reconfigure cynicism as a structure
of feeling, or an affect that is formed and circulates in and through
culture (see Williams 1977). In linking cynicism as affect to culture, I
position cynicism in the field of aesthetics, particularly that developed out
of Critical Theory in its concern with mass culture and its structural and
subjective effects. Specifically, I contend that cynicism is symptomatic of a
Western geopolitical situation that is both precarious and yet inescapable. As
a shared feeling, cynicism reflects our affective response to our position as
individuals living under and within an ideological system in which we are
increasingly aware of the structures that condition our lives and yet are also
increasingly unable to act on that knowledge. I emphasize, in
particular, the ways in cynicism is seen to mark an individual feeling,
arguing that this emphasis on individuality obscures not only the shared nature
of the affect, but also the larger structural disjunctions it symptomizes. In
this way, I begin to offer a framework by which we can rethink sites of individuality—itself
a privileged neoliberal fiction—as indicative of collective
frustrations, as sites at which our intimate worlds are deeply intertwined in
the structures and logics of late capitalism.
Simon Orpana
(McMaster University):
“Biopolitics and
the Art of Exploitation in Ninni Holmqvist’s novel The Unit”
Ninni Homqvist's The Unit (2006) takes
place in a near future or alternative present in which class and gender
inequality seem to have been largely eliminated. However, this utopian society
is divided by new lines into those who are “necessary” and “dispensable.” Men
over the age of sixty and women over the age of fifty who do not have dependent
children are sequestered in a facility where they are taken good care of, but
where they are subjected to various experiments, constant surveillance, and
where they eventually perish from the donation of their vital organs. But the
astonishing thing about life in the unit is that so few people try to escape.
Holmqvist's novel describes the complicated social forces that contribute to
the hegemonic domination of women and subaltern classes in what might be
described as a biopolitical utopia. The novel describes a new dynamics of class
oppression by which the childless—a group that contains a large number of writers,
artists and other social misfits—donate their creative, intellectual, and
ultimately physical being for the sake of perpetuating the state.
My paper examines The Unit as an
allegory for the transformation of capitalist exploitation within the paradigm
of biopolitics, whose ostensible purpose is furthering the life of society. How
does the imperative to “make live or let die” famously articulated by Foucault
reconcile itself to a demand for
constant economic growth and capital accumulation? My reading of
Holmqvist's novel examines how the biopolitical turn of capitalism, far from
erasing older forms of class and gender exploitation, actually serves to
reconfigure and perpetuate these structures. Read in light of such theories as
Hardt and Negri's thesis about the hegemony of immaterial labour, The Unit provides
a useful site for exploring the role of art and artists within
biopolitical production.
6. Aesthetics:
Between Philosophy and Politics:
Daniel Benson (New
York University):
“Aesthetic Emancipation
in Georg Lukács and Jacques Rancière”
The relationship between the writings of Georg Lukács and those of
Jacques Rancière has yet to be explored in any detail. This critical lacuna is
understandable, given the disparate historical circumstances and the distinct
intellectual milieus in which their work took shape: Lukács’ first significant
writings appeared in the turbulent years following the Russian Revolution of
1917, while Rancière continues to craft one of the most compelling oeuvre in post-1968 French thought. However, despite the geographical
and temporal differences separating the two thinkers, they share the same
theoretical preoccupation: the politics of aesthetics. A confrontation between
their distinct perspectives will be mutually instructive. It will elucidate, in
Rancière’s case, what is at stake in his attempt to shift out of a strictly
Marxist framework. With respect to Lukács, it will illuminate the foundation of
his aesthetic writings and expand upon their political signification with the
aid of Rancière’s conceptual framework. Lukács establishes a symmetry between
his theory of the proletarian class consciousness and Schiller’s idea of
aesthetic free play – both concepts involve the creation of a “de-reified”
subject position. Rancière also employs Schiller for the “aesthetic revolution”
inaugurated at the end of the 18th century – though he eliminates
most of Lukács’ Marxist terminology (such as ideology, class, and economic
concepts) from his discourse and rejects any teleological historical movement
in favor of a radically egalitarian democracy. For Rancière, the aesthetic
experience is part and parcel of emancipation. My analysis will address the
following theoretical questions: how is the aesthetic discourse fundamentally connected
to revolutionary politics in the work of Rancière and Lukács? How does
aesthetics allow us to rethink class consciousness and ideology? What
theoretical advances can be gained through an engagement with their writings,
which are temporally situated at opposite ends of the numerous 20th
century aesthetic critiques, from the Frankfurt school to Pierre Bourdieu, Paul
de Man, and Jean-François Lyotard, among others?
Jensen Suther (Elon
University):
“Adorno and Beckett: Immanence of
Negativity”
In this paper, I will argue that Theodor
Adorno’s Aesthetic Theory derives its
theoretical substance from Adorno’s reading of Samuel Beckett’s oeuvre. This
reading, which simultaneously engages mimesis, realism, politics, and ethics,
is formative not only for Adorno’s aesthetic project, but also for his
interweaving of philosophy and literature, the political and ethical and the
aesthetic. Beckett’s radical expressionism, on Adorno’s view, corresponds more
acutely to the condition of modernity than do the various realisms whose
aspiration is to exhaustively represent in aesthetic form the society of the
modern world. In addition to exploring Adorno’s aesthetico-theoretical relation
to Beckett, this paper will demonstrate the development of a moral philosophy
within Adorno’s aesthetic project, particularly in his interrogation of realism
vis-à-vis Beckett. The political atheism of Beckett’s work coincides with
Adorno’s disavowal of the political artwork, e.g. Sartre’s littérature engagée, and, as a conscious
mediation of empirical reality, opens a dialectical space for a political and
ethical philosophy. In a word, Beckett’s artistic labor produces the aesthetic,
skeletal structure onto which Adorno’s philosophy of aesthetics hangs the
theoretical flesh the composition of which is political and ethical.
Michael Fares (University
of Texas at Austin):
“‘The Philosophical
Novel’ Genre in Medieval Islamic Literature: A Case for the Importance of
Subjective Experience in the Human Quest for Knowledge”
One needn’t go far today to realize that we
live in an era dominated by a narrowly “objectivist” epistemology, an
epistemology which champions “empirical observation” as truly “scientific”
while confining human subjectivity and inward experience to the realm of the
nonsensical, the unverifiable, and the absurd. The celebration of “objective
science” at the expense of subjective inward experience has become pivotal to
what is assumed to be “modern” thought. My paper seeks to deconstruct and
reconfigure this complex discourse of objectivist “modernity” through a close
reading of the work of 12th century Arab Muslim philosopher Ibn Ṭufayl, a man who was himself
highly concerned with the complex epistemological relationship that existed
during his own time between philosophy, science, and religion. Here, I examine Ḥayy
Ibn Yaqẓān, Ṭufayl’s philosophical novel written as a thought experiment
about the human acquisition of knowledge as such. The novel recounts the story
of Ḥayy, a hypothetical boy who grows up alone on a desert Island,
completely removed from any contact with human society, left alone to discover
the cosmos with no outside influence other than his own primary experience. I
argue over the course of my paper that Ḥayy Ibn Yaqẓān, though
written in the twelfth century, is a text most timely for own era when it comes
to our efforts to heal the deep yet artificial dichotomy that has been drawn
between the “objective” and the “subjective”, especially with regard to the
supposed division between “science” and “religion”. I propose that the story of
Ḥayy Ibn Yaqẓān offers us a new and different paradigm for
interacting with our world, a paradigm via which we may reconcile the present
division between objective and subjective epistemologies, integrating these two
seemingly antithetical knowledge paradigms into a single, more flowing, and
more holistic view of our cosmos.
7.
Art/Politics/Space
Steve Waksman
(Smith College):
“Toward a History of Liveness: Musical Performance
and Public Life in the U.S.”
Discussing the shifting modes of
authenticity that have arisen in conjunction with live music performance, on
the one hand, and recorded music, on the other, Sarah Thornton asserts in her
book Club Cultures that, “The term
‘live’ entered the lexicon of music appreciation only in the [nineteen-] fifties”
(41). She further argues that the
condition for its emergence in this vein was the rising primacy of recorded
music, which had rendered performance into “music’s marginalized other…which had to speak its difference
with a qualifying adjective.”
Thornton uniquely historicizes the category of live music and offers a
compelling rationale for its growing importance in an emergent system of
aesthetic value wherein the “live” and the “recorded” exist in a productive
tension. Nonetheless, I am
convinced that her central claim is based on a historical fallacy. Well before the opposition between live
and recorded music became culturally salient, musical performance existed
within a different field of relations, counterpoised with published sheet music
and the written accounts of music that pervaded newspapers, magazines and
books. In this differently
mediated cultural setting, the operative distinction was not between “live” and
“recorded” music, but between musical performance as a part of public life and
musical performance that occurred in private settings. Pushing the study of liveness back to
the mid-nineteenth century, this paper will put forth some preliminary
arguments concerning the role of musical performance in constituting the
American public sphere. Drawing
upon the work of cultural theorists Richard Butsch and Michael Warner, I will
demonstrate the position of nineteenth century live music as a nascent form of
mass culture on the one hand and as a form of subcultural or counter-public
activity on the other.
Cecile G. Paskett
(University of Utah):
“Radical
Performance within Installation Art: Impacts on Surveillance and Identities”
Scholars and
artists interested in the relationship between art and activism may often find
it easy to fall into an imagination that privileges openly political practices,
such as those can be be seen being employed by social awareness groups,
guerrilla activists, and political artists. Yet, it is also apparent that a
number of cultural workers are attempting to make radical claims through
radically different means – that is, attempting to counter hegemonic discourses
within mainstream venues such as art galleries and museums. Thus, it makes
sense for researchers to interrogate those institutions that constitute the mechanism
establishing such discourses, at the same time as they investigate the radical
potential for the works contained within them. Therefore, I will be exploring
the projects of two contemporary artists, Oliver Lutz and Shizuka Yokomizo, for
their works both speak explicitly to the social processes underlying the
understanding, and acceptance of, surveillance and voyeurism within the current
cultural climate, while also differing significantly in terms of their capacity
for radical impact. In particular, this investigation will take into account
the relationship between surveillance, culture, and space, and the ways in
which spatiality, when situated within the greater context of late-consumer
capitalism, shapes the formation of cultural processes, aesthetic structures,
and individual identities.
“Audience as
Constituency, Audience as Event: Institutionality, Activism and Art 1988-89”
This paper will examine the relationships
between artists, audiences, and an art institution created by Group Material’s Democracy and Martha Rosler’s If You Lived Here…, two projects held at
the Dia Art Foundation in New York City in 1988-89. In the context of the
Reagan and first Bush administrations, these projects fostered activist
dialogue through art exhibitions and public discussion forums on topics
including homelessness, education, AIDS, and electoral politics. I will
consider the way in which in these projects, a form of audience materialized
that was characterized on the one hand by a fixed, quantifiable group of
specific identities, and on the other hand by open-endedness and contingency. I
refer to these two types as audience as constituency,
and audience as event, respectively.
This double-edged audience that emerged in Democracy
and If You Lived Here… was the
product of activist art practices from the early 1980s becoming increasingly
more mainstream as the decade progressed. The effect of that transition was to
fundamentally transform relationships of mutual dependence between
institutions, artists, and audiences. The central stake of this paper is to
historicize the concept of audience as it operates within art history, and
specifically leftist art history, by showing the way that it has been produced
based on certain sets of institutional and political stakes in different
contexts.
8. Reading
Political Narratives:
David Janzen
(University of Western Ontario):
“The Recourse of
Poetics: The Politics and Aesthetics of Disidentification”
A complexly poetic and intertextual work,
Miguel Ángel Asturias’s novel Hombres de
Maíz is inherently political, not because it retells history from an
alternative (Indigenous) perspective but, to the contrary, because it
undermines the modes of historical and perceptual understanding that determine
the place of the indigenous subject.
Hombres
de Maíz has three regimes which mirror the worlds of
Maya cosmology (underworld, earth and sky) as well as Vico’s historical ages or
corsos (gods, heroes, and men). As in
Vico’s conception of history, Hombres de
Maíz’s cosmological corsos are
marked by poetic irruptions: the novel begins in the precolonial age which,
dominated by prosopopoeia, makes “of all nature a vast animate body” (Vico §186); it then moves through the metonymic
age of heroes toward the “rational” age of men, until, in the final stage, the
overall progression is interrupted by a Vichean recourse (ricorso) to a newly “primitive” and poetically undetermined world.
This reading reveals a politics that is overlooked by the dominant
interpretations which understand Hombres de Maíz primarily as an allegory of social struggle and, in
doing so, tie the work’s politics to the particularities of Indigenous identity
(see Martin 1993, Dorfman 1991, and Prieto 1993). Through
an analysis of temporal, poetic and intertextual modes, I demonstrate that the
work’s corsos represent, and
simultaneously enact, an aesthetic ricorso
determined by a form of disidentification,
defined as: the “removal [of the subject] from the naturalness of a place,
[and] the opening up of a subject space where anyone can be counted” (Rancière
1998). Disidentification – which has little to do with the struggle to regain a
lost identity – intervenes in and reworks the partitions that determine what
appears in the world and that designate who has the capacity to argue about
what appears. In this sense, the politics of Hombres de Maíz, and of Indigenous literatures in general, are
rooted in their capacity to undo those distinctions that render certain
subjects invisible and inaudible, and to stage an aesthetic recourse in which
such subjects – what Rancière calls “the poor” – may make their own claim to
the equality of speaking beings.
Agnes Malinowska
(University of Chicago):
“Madness,
Aesthetics and Fin-de-siècle American Capitalism in the Novels of Frank Norris”
The novels of Frank Norris persistently link
the making and appreciating of art to the structures of late-nineteenth-century
American capitalism. In Norris’ Vandover
and the Brute (1895), for example, the reproduction of aesthetic forms is
heavily tied up with that of capitalist values. The young Vandover, learning to
draw by copying the idealized “heads” of pretty and soulful young ladies so
pleasing to fin-de-siècle American bourgeois taste, is rewarded for his efforts
with gold dollars by his businessman father. Likewise, Norris opens The Pit (1903) with an opera that is
constantly interrupted by the wrangling of trade brokers speculating on the
latest wheat deal, until music and business talk form a single aesthetic
spectacle; indeed, the novel’s name, which refers to the wheat pit at the
center of Chicago trade, also evokes the orchestra pit at the center of the
musical performance.
However, Norris’ novels do not stop at
revealing art and taste as heavily dependent on capitalist structures and
permeated by capitalist values; insofar as the identification of aesthetic with
capitalist activity is often performed through the mental deterioration of
Norris’ central characters, art serves to announce capitalism’s pathology. In
Norris’ novels, madness circulates through aesthetic and economic activity,
which in turn feed off each other. As Curtis Jadwin slips deeper into his
obsession with wheat speculation, his wife Laura reacts with feverish
“performances” of Macbeth to the audience of her enormous and empty home. As
Vandover gradually loses his mind and his fortune, he is reduced to painting
scenes on bank safes, his artistic skill now fully instrumentalized for
capitalist gain, capitalism feeding on Vandover’s psychosis. Norris’ McTeague (1899), though the least explicitly concerned with the
aesthetic domain, perhaps goes the farthest in collapsing art and capital in
the register of madness; Trina’s single-minded obsession with hording gold
transforms the medium of exchange into a fetish object endowed with the holy
aura of a revered object of art.
Indeed, Trina’s madness suggests that the
psychosis of capitalism is in its assumption of the properties of art, its
transformation into an aestheticized end-in-itself, rather than an instrument
for ensuring a just and well-ordered world. So, in The Pit, when Laura asks why, if hungry peasants in Europe need
wheat so much, doesn’t the immensely wealthy Jadwin (who cares little for
money, but very much for hoarding wheat), just send it to them, the answer is
that this would undermine the beauty, the great artistry, of speculation. As
Walter Benjamin would condemn the aestheticizing of politics in his 1930’s
essay, “The Work of Art in the Age of its Mechanical Reproducibility,” Norris
censures the aestheticizing of economic structures, thus retroactively
answering Benjamin’s call for a politicizing of art via his novelistic critique
of America’s fin-de-siècle love affair with unbridled capitalism.
Eun Joo Kim (University
of Minnesota):
“Alternate Forms,
Practices and Spaces of Literacy in Push and Blu’s Hanging”
Sapphire’s Push
(1996) and Lois-Ann Yamanaka’s Blu’s Hanging (1997) share a unique set of
similarities: both of these works are literacy narratives with young female
protagonists who grow up in impoverished conditions and with limited
educational opportunities, facing issues of sexual trauma during their early
adolescence. Both of these novels are also written in different varieties of
American English: much of Push is written in Black Vernacular and Blu’s Hanging
is primarily written in Hawai’ian Pidgin. The majority of the existing
criticism on these works focuses on cultural (mis)representation, interethnic
conflict, sociological critique, and psychoanalytic analysis. Few attend to the
issues of literacy and none bring these two works together.
This paper
centralizes the literacy narratives in these two novels as they relate to the
interrelated issues of race, gender, sexuality, class, and privilege. I explore
how literacy and education seem to provide the only means for the protagonists
to escape their respective situations, though their success seems nearly
impossible and the attainment of their goals ultimately remains suggestive, at
best. I also consider to what extent the novels’ being written in Black
Vernacular and Hawai’ian Pidgin works to establish proximity to the
protagonists’ immediate environments (of Harlem and Kaunakakai, Hawai’i,
respectively) and to represent an aesthetic decision, and further, if
perceptions of authenticity and aesthetics are necessarily mutually exclusive,
as some critics seem to suggest. While critiquing the oversimplified reading of
these works that uphold education and literacy as the ultimate goal for these
protagonists, this paper explores how various forms of literacy practices
inform these young women’s widening understanding of their situations.
8. America, Utopia:
Jeremy Buesink
(McMaster University):
“The Interconnected
Apocalyptic-Utopian Ideal of Christianity, Americanism and Militarism, and the
Aesthetics of the Patriotic Pep Rally”
In this essay I engage with political theory
from (specifically but not exclusively) Walter Benn Michaels, Richard
Hofstadter, Judith Butler, and Michel Foucault in order to examine the legacy
Theodore Roosevelt’s unifying nationalistic rhetoric (“We are all Americans
Pure and Simple”) that is at work in the counterintuitive convergence of
neoconservatism and neoliberalism wherein the logic of apocalyptic utopianism
is at work. My inquiry is one that
journeys into the heart of the religiously inflected ‘nature’ of the
Puritan-informed American Dream, and the intertextual discourse(s) of three
fundamentalisms: Americanism, evangelist Christianity, and free market
economism and their rhetorical melding in contemporary neoliberal/militaristic
economic and social policy. It is
my contention that within the supposedly moral dogmatic nucleus of national
values that is the American Dream—which dictates ‘proper’ Americanism within a
paradigm where the drive for property, land, and acquisition is a drive for
purity, absolutism, and virtue—the seemingly paradoxical melding of
neoconservativism and neoliberalism, of fundamentalist Christianity and
nationalistic conceptualizations of ‘freedom’ and ‘democracy’, become
intelligible, in part, because of affective fundamentalist Americanism. The fundamentalist Americanist
worldview territorialized around the notion of the American Dream, provides to
the faithful the illusion, the aesthetic, the rituals, of stability whilst
paradoxically also propagating a state of perpetual crisis. In this paradigm, where “Mission
Accomplished” is meant to induce collective social amnesia, ‘winning’—and
therein the vanquishing of ‘ungrievable’ enemies—is paramount, ‘freedom’
becomes a reductive and simplistic rallying cry asserting patriotic Truth,
while ‘democracy’ is treated as an ideological endpoint—an ‘arrival at’ rather
than an ongoing ‘process of’. Within
this framework I explore the ways in which the unifying rhetoric of
fundamentalist Americanism functions in much of the celebratory reaction to the
death of Osama Bin Laden including the patriotic pep rally that erupted across
America—and counted in its participants many American college students—after
the announcement of his death.
The permanence implicit in ideological
‘arrivals’—such as violently imposing democracy abroad and such as concluding
that the death of Bin Laden affirms an Americanized ideal of freedom—both
promotes and is the result of economic, political, and moral policy that
operates in terms of faith in utopian guarantees, and the faith in these
guarantees functions in concert with the required chaos of apocalypse. Moreover, the logic of militarization
that is at work in fundamental Americanism employs utopianism and apocalypse
not as separate entities but as that which contain mutually shaping and
informing tribulation and triumph, chaos and order, where the underpinnings of
chaos are believed to be a right(eous)ness that is asserted by might. Apocalypse has always been essential to
America’s conception of itself, and the righteousness of the apocalyptic
utopianism within fundamentalist Americanism secures itself in the confident belief
in the virtue of moral absolutism and self-righteous affective
anti-intellectualism.
Matthew Lambert
(Carnegie Mellon University):
“Frank Capra’s
Utopian ‘Lost Cause’: Pastoral Aesthetic Beauty and Class in Mr. Smith Goes to Washington”
In my paper, I argue that Frank Capra
employs Kantian aesthetic notions of beauty and engages Popular Front themes of
class in his 1939 film Mr. Smith Goes to Washington. More specifically, I
contend that he uses beauty in the film to rearticulate the classical American
pastoral mode into a potent emergent cultural and political critique of
American capitalism. In the film, Capra pastoralizes Washington D.C. to
assert a connection between American democratic ideals and what Leo Marx calls pastoral,
“middle landscape” values by juxtaposing American national monuments and the
democratic ideals they represent with nature. This juxtaposition creates
a particular aesthetic experience in Jefferson Smith, the film’s protagonist,
which leads him to seek out, protect, and create other forms of beauty and the
justice/morality/equality he sees it as exhibiting, an aesthetic and political impulse that finds its clearest
expression in a bill he proposes for a national boys’ camp. The bill,
itself, juxtaposes issues of class, capitalism, and aesthetic beauty by, on the
one hand, offering the boys’ camp as a utopian classless society and, on the
other, critiquing a capitalist attempt to appropriate the land for purely financial ends. And though Smith’s/Capra’s utopian vision is
limited to a particular white male perception of the world, it’s important, I
argue, to practice what Ernst Bloch and Robert C. Elliott referred to as a
hermeneutic utopian thinking when examining it. Such thinking allows
audiences a space to critique and supplement Capra’s fragmentary utopian vision with their own experiences and claims of equality,
including those informed by intersections of gender, race, and class. It
also allows for the rearticulating and reclaiming of popular artists like Capra
as well as residual cultural and political modes like the pastoral for their
potential progressive qualities.
Sean Nye
(University of Minnesota):
“1984/1989:
Mobility, Aesthetics and Social Science Fiction”
Since George Orwell’s 1948 writings, “1984”
has primarily been analyzed under the rubric of dystopian prediction. The
definitive mythical year of social science fiction, “1984” always exists as the
potential future of society. However, what has not been analyzed to date is the
fundamental role the memory of 1984
now plays in the social science fiction of the received past. Since 1989, the
reinterpretation of the year 1984, through and against the Orwellian “1984,”
has taken on unprecedented political charge.
This paper explores this political-aesthetic
reinterpretation of “1984” through an analysis of two popular films set in
1984: The Hunt for Red October (1990)
and The Lives of Others (2006). It
analyzes how these films remember and construct the year 1984 as the
revolutionary pivot of dystopia into utopia. First, 1984 is the last year of perceived Orwellian
dystopia in the form of full-fledged Cold War conflict. Second, 1984 is the first year of technological and media
revolutions that played important roles in the capitalist revolutions of 1989.
The
Hunt for Red October and The Lives of Others mark out the Cold War borders of capitalist
entertainment while prophesying their conquest. The year 1984 is the definitive
year of technological revolutions that spell the triumph of capitalist
entertainment over socialist propaganda, of the life of aesthetic leisure over
the life of labor. In these films, the primary motor behind this
technological-medial pivot proves to be mobility.
Mobile listening, in particular though the filmic-sonic object of headphones,
is representative of revolutionary movement. The liberatory or oppressive
potentials of listening are dependent upon whether borders are opened or closed
to travel and transformation. The paper thus concludes by showing how 1984
understandings represent a key ideology of our time, in which freedom is
primarily understood as mobility and/or flexibility.
Tim Corballis
(University of Aukland):
“Rancière in the
Antipodes”
A
tension exists within certain accounts of the political concerning questions of
space and location. So if for Rancière ‘a demonstration is political not
because it takes place in a specific locale’, at the same time his paradigmatic
political action seems to converge on an agora
of whatever kind. The task of politics then becomes one of establishing not
only a subject but a stage—and is, as such, already minimally located.
Questions remain as to whether such an aesthetic/political stage might equally
be located anywhere, or whether a strategic sensitivity might have us seek out
specific points. To visibly meet a police logic with an egalitarian one, if not
indeed to hope for an audience, political action might best seek out places
where the police logic itself is or might be visible: places of administration
or representation.
This
paper seeks to recast the Rancièrian political act in terms of a migration away
from the ‘places’ of fixed identity and towards such sites. Its movement,
perhaps at best metaphorical, is compared here with the mythical convergence of
people that founds the city.
I then
contrast this convergent migration with a global and divergent one, equally
mythical, that flees from the city and the clamour of competing claims to
visibility. This settler-colonial migration serves as the foundation myth for
an antipodes both administered from the metropolis and apparently free from
administration. Here I ask to what degree or in what manner such an antipodes
remains in fact characterised by its global distance from places where its
police logic is administered or represented; and so, to what extent a
Rancièrian political action is possible locally, or indeed possible at all for
those for whom global barriers and distances are beyond reach.
“How to Dance a
Riot: On the Aesthetics of Struggle”
Riots often employ a familiar set of
compositional devices: bodies circulating in atypical pathways, the spatial
displacement of objects, the breaking of brittle surfaces, the burning of
combustible elements. Struggles of disparate historical and geographic location
have shared this sensuous moment of unrest. I speak of riots and not any other
moment within a struggle as they are the privileged moment of evidence, of
witnessing social antagonism, of knowing a struggle takes place. While one can
certainly give an account of these moments within a struggle as resulting from
a particular calculus of social and material forces, what can one learn from an
inquiry into the aesthetic and choreographic character of the riot? An
examination of riots in their aesthetic dimension - their shards and ashes,
their clamor and mess, their inescapable sensuality - can make evident a set of
choreographic operations that mediate between a struggle and its material
consequences.
I address three critiques of the aestheticization
of politics, namely the accusations of mere aestheticism, fascism, and
irrelevance. I note that forms of struggle may depart or decouple from their
material impetus possessing an aesthetic, symbolic, or semiotic quality that
draws their performance into a play between mediation and materiality. The
insufficiency of materially accounting for riots enables a turn towards its
form, performance, and interpretation. In the space between a purported
political ambition and a concrete moment of articulation, between a specific
politics and its embodied manifestation, the play and movement of bodies during
a riot enact a second order struggle for legitimacy. Through a detournement of
Kant, specifically the 'free play' and 'purposiveness without purpose' that one
finds within his aesthetics, I propose the riot as a form of free play during
which the body becomes crucial to the elaboration of a struggle.
“The (Aesthetic)
Right to the City: Urban ‘Worlds’ and the Melted Proletariat of Liquid
Modernity”
The
crisis of the city has forced us to question the simplistic association of the
city...We have rediscovered the complexity of the city as a key place of
interactions through a certain hierarchy of urban space, of monumentality, and
especially of public space —Henri Lefebvre
In 1968, Henri
Lefebvre published Everyday Life in the
Modern World. While responding to what he saw as the current crisis of the
city and the future of the everyday as a necessary site of philosophical
inquiry, Lefebvre argued that the everyday “exposes the possibilities of
conflict between the rational and the irrational in our society and our time,
thus permitting the formulation of concrete problems of production (in its widest sense): how the social existence of
humans is produced” (23). Amongst other human needs, which also include art,
play, and pleasure, Lefebvre interpreted the necessity of urban space as a site
of human community, social interaction, and existential meaning that was
threatened by the capitalism brought by modernity.
My
paper reads Lefebvre’s theorizing of space, urbanization, and everyday life in
dialogue with the writings of social theorist Zygmunt Bauman, in order to
identify the similarities between what Lefebvre described as “the Bureaucratic
Society of Controlled Consumption” (1968) and Bauman’s analysis of the impact
of consumerism on social, political, and urban life in his formulation of “the
community of consumers” under “liquid modernity” (2000). In their analysis of
the city, Lefebvre and Bauman both identify how the urban environment struggles
in the peril of its paradoxical pressure to function within a global and local framework.
As
each thinker struggles with their own form of utopianism, the city, as polis, functions as the heart of the
political community that is both lived and imagined. My paper concludes with
the claim that the material locality of the city proposed by Lefebvre and
Bauman offers a unique site for communal belonging and material class struggle
in response to the spacelessness of
global capital.
Julia Alekseyeva
(Harvard University):
“The Ethics of
Propaganda: Estrangement and Dziga Vertov’s Kino-Eye”
The Soviet 1920s were rife with competing
avant-garde movements. In this brief but vital moment of feverish artistic
production, art and politics were unified in a mission to liberate art from its
bourgeois roots. These artists were in rabid competition to see who could craft
the perfect Soviet man—an attempt at an art which is both ethical and utopian.
Victor Shklovsky’s concept of ostranenie,
or estrangement, was highly influential for many such early Soviet thinkers.
Estrangement as a literary or artistic practice is a way for this mythical Soviet
superman to attain perfect perception; according to Shklovsky, our daily
experiences render life routine and automatic, something he found ethically
disturbing. Through estrangement, Shklovsky aimed to increase the difficulty
and length of perception for the reader/audience. An ethical practice as well as an aesthetic one, one of
estrangement’s many purposes is to keep the fear of war and the inherent
uncanniness of violence against others alive.
Early Soviet
filmmaker Dziga Vertov’s version of this perception was his revolutionary
concept of the Kino-Eye. In the 1920s, Vertov published an enormous number of
theoretical writings and manifestoes, mostly in the iconic mouthpieces of
Russian modernism. But it is his films in particular which echo Shklovsky’s
concern for a more perfect perception via the practice of estrangement. Dziga
Vertov’s documentary and newsreel propaganda films appear uncanny and difficult
even to twenty-first century viewers, for whom cinema has long ceased to be
novel or strange. This paper analyzes how Shklovsky’s concept of estrangement,
which one might call a permanent revolution of the mind, is reflected in Vertov’s filmmaking, and in his 1924 film Kino-Eye in particular—a film
particularly estranging in its experimental cinematographic techniques. In
addition, this paper discusses the early Soviet period’s attempt (if not always
success) at an ethical propaganda aesthetics.
José Miguel
Palacios (New York University):
“PUEBLO,
PEOPLE, POPULAR: Class and Spectatorship in Chilean Revolutionary Cinema”
In
1970, after the election of Salvador Allende as president, Miguel Littin wrote
a manifesto in which he advocated for a cinema committed to the construction of
socialism, where films are not revolutionary by themselves, instead, they
become revolutionary once they mobilize their viewer to a “revolutionary
action”. For the manifesto and for the films produced during Allende’s
government, the notion of ‘popular’ (always used as an adjective next to
“culture” and “cinema”) is vital in their understanding of revolutionary
cinema, one that is realized in conjunction between the artist and his people
––the former aspiring to be the instrument of communication of the latter.
However, neither “popular” nor “revolution” are clearly defined terms; they are
constantly problematized by the manifesto, the films and the dialogue they both
undertook with the “Chilean Road” to socialism.
A
more useful approach to the uniqueness of this filmic project could be the
study of the Latin American term pueblo,
a notion relying, on the one hand, on nationality and class, and on the other,
on a common continental experience of neo-colonization and underdevelopment.
This presentation seeks to examine the ways in which the idea of pueblo is represented in these films as
well as performed by them, and the ways in which it sought to become a
different type of spectatorship ––if it ever became one. In this artistic
utopia pueblo is at the same time the
subject that produces, the object of its representation, and the group that
views it in order to transform reality. But if we grant that this utopia never
got to be, what part of if did happen? What is the relationship of these films,
by themselves, to the reality they wished to transform? And to whom belonged their
discourse ––those who generated it or the pueblo
represented in it?
Niels Niessen
(University of Minnesota):
“ACCESS DENIED:
Godard Palestine Representation”
At some point in the second movement of
Jean-Luc Godard’s 2010 Film socialisme--his
first feature to be entirely shot, edited, and produced with digital
means--Florine, a Godard heroine who will kill you if you mock Balzac, thinks
out loud: “He bien mère on entre dans une
époque avec le numérique où pour des raisons différentes l’humanité sera confrontée
à des problèmes Pas laisser le luxe de s’exprimer” (subtitled as: “age digital technology / humanity problems / not
allow luxury / expressing oneself”). To what extent can Florine’s statement be
read as representative of Film socialisme’s
own intervention into or stance toward the world? Of course, with Godard, whose
films confront the question of representation over and again, one should resist
the desire to take images and statements at face value, let alone cite them out
of the contexts in which they appear. Yet, sometimes also in Godard statements
really seem to mean what they mean, which is the case, so I will argue, with
Florine’s hesitative reflection. So what precisely are these problems that have
become increasingly difficult to express in the digital age? How new is this
“age” actually? And what does Film
socialisme leave unexpressed? At least one answer to this last question is
made obvious by the film itself: “Palestine,” which is simultaneously presented
as a territory, an idea, and an idea of a territory. Through a very close reading, the concept of which
I will explain, of Film socialisme’s
representation of the alleged impossibility to represent Palestine, I will
argue that by carrying the crisis of representation, in cinema and in general,
into the digital age Godard’s Film
socialisme forms another chapter in the self-reflexive flight forward that
may be seen as the driving force behind Godard’s oeuvre. “How can cinema
express our time, and especially the atrocities of our time?” such is the
question that Godard keeps raising, from Les
Carabiniers (1963) to Film socialisme.
The answer has remained the same.
Patricia Healy
McMeans (MCAD):
“Contemporary Artist/Audience Collaboration and its Discontents: Or,
Where Bourriaud Went Wrong, and Santiago Sierra's Pissed Off, or Should Be”
Roundtable
Discussion with Sam Gould of collaborative Red76 [Portland/Brooklyn/Mpls] and A. J. Warnick of Art of This
[Mpls] and FutureFarmers [San Francisco].
Having now moved beyond both Relational
Aesthetics and Social Practice, this offers an examination of the current
critical state in which we find ourselves. Following Nicholas Bourriaud to
Claire Bishop to Harrell Fletcher's PSU program to Future Farmers and then
beyond, I present a thoughtful discussion about what the hell might be going
on, and how can one be critical when entering into an art piece
where, say, we all arrive and play Pictionary.
Ruth Voights (MCAD):
“The Trickster as
Political Subversive in Native American Art: The Writings of Gerald Vizenor”
Using the short
stories of Gerald Vizenor, I will briefly explore how the traditional tribal
trickster's behavior-humor, inversions and excesses-continue to infuse the
aesthetics and creativity of Native artists, and, even more importantly, insure
the continuity of Native American culture.
George Hoagland (Program
in Cultural Studies in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at UMD):
"Paul
Beatty, Myth, and Resistance"
Paul Beatty's
depictions of impossible narrative endings illustrate the relationship between
history and literature through myth, and suggest that myth anticipates history.
By breaking certain mythologies open, Beatty offers a critique of the means by
which myth produces some of the social forces at work in contemporary
literature, as well as an interrogation of the imposed limits of mythological
representation, in order to promote a richer understanding of myth's potential.
13. The Image in Crisis
Katherine Lawless (University of Western
Ontario):
“Marcelo Brodksy and the Politics of Trauma”
The crisis of representation that accompanied
the Holocaust testifies to a tension between historical trauma and its
representation. This tension is taken up by contemporary installation artists
who expose the political limitations of what Foucault calls the “classical
order of representation” (1966) and what Ranciere terms the “representative
regime” (2004), a regime in which history takes the form of a unified narrative
and nothing must exceed the frame of representation. In this context, the
photograph operates as a form of empirical evidence and its political
engagement is reduced to the content of its expression, while traumatic
experience is relegated to the realm of the unrepresentable. However, as a
structure of analysis, trauma reveals a dissonance between the cohesive world
of classical representation and its after-image.
Within this framework, my paper examines the
ways in which the photographic installations of Argentinian artist Marcelo
Brodsky intervene in the assumed relationship between photography and history.
Focusing largely on the state terrorism carried out under Argentina’s military
dictatorship during the late 70s and early 80s, Brodsky’s installations—Buena Memoria and Nexo, in particular—have primarily been interpreted as a project of
recovering “the memories of those who have been lost” (Arruti 2007). In this
interpretation, the politics of Brodsky’s representations of historical trauma
are elided through a series of metonymic re-classifications: the photographic
document stands in for the figure of the disappeared, which, as a cipher for
the unrepresentable, is reified as lost memory. Drawing on Ranciere’s
conception of the “aesthetic unconscious” (2001) and Baer’s discussion of the
structural relationship between photography and trauma (2005), I argue that
Brodsky’s work institutes a political intervention not through his use of “the
frozen photographic image to unlock memories” (Arruti 2007) but through his use
of the “memory-trace” (Freud 1899) to stage a conflict between the unified
narrative of history and its photographic remains.
Rachel Schaff (University of Minnesota):
“The Holodrama: Dialectic of Historicized Pathos
and Action”
Why haven’t we moved past the never-ending
discussion on the politics of Holocaust representation? Traditionally the
Holocaust has been viewed as a “high” theme, incompatible with melodrama—a
“low” genre. However, placing value
on forms of representation and dismissing melodrama as “taboo” has not proven
productive. Perhaps then, rather than approaching the Holocaust in terms of
“realist history”—or to borrow Aristotelian terms, discussing Holocaust films
in terms of “ethos”—how credible and trustworthy the narrative is (in terms of
fidelity to the “real past”)—it is more productive to approach film
representations of the Holocaust in terms of “pathos” –how the narrative moves
us.
In my paper I will
attempt to reconceptualize the historical and theoretical understandings of the
Holocaust within melodrama and narrative theory to connect the Holocaust film
to the melodramatic mode. My rethinking of Holocaust film narratives—my
original concept of the Holodrama—relies on three major concepts. First:
Regardless of the politics that surround the representation of the Holocaust,
it is a historical event, and thus not exempt from the rules that govern the
historical film narrative. What this means is, the condition of history
is that we can never return to re-live the events. Second: Because Hollywood
and Czechoslovak Holocaust films approach the historical events of the
Holocaust from different historical experiences, and therefore represent
different historical perspectives, I argue that any historical film narrative
is dictated by a “national” and cultural-specific historical condition.
And third: Both the condition of history and the historical condition
of a Holocaust film narrative changes our narrative expectations, so that we
enter the film with a predetermined timeline of historical events (plot
points), the pre-learned knowledge of what will happen, and how we are supposed
to be affected. What this means is that any Holocaust film narrative (and any
historical film narrative) produces what I call a historicized pathos.
Ilona Molnar (York University):
“Silence on the Scene:
Metonymy and Melancholy in the Wake of Regime Change”
In this paper, I argue that the errant boy of
Bergman’s Silence screens not the
separation of the body from its letter, but the projection of political desire
out of their disparity. Melancholia continues to attach to Imre Kertész and Peter Esterhazy’s fixation on
interiority.
Bergman’s 1963 film opens the question of translation’s
supplementary role within, rather than across genders. Derrida clears the
translator as the author’s muse. But in Silence
each frame threatens, as Samuel Delaney writes of the unspeakable, “…to
pierce some ultimate and final interiority,” which conditions the impossibility
of desire between sisters. In the meanderings of their prepubescent son,
metonymized along a circuit of pleasure the body abandons the metaphor, or law,
of reproduction. Melancholic
deadlock gives up on what Eric Santner calls its “elegiac loop.”
I ask of two sistered texts playing on the bitter strings of regime
change in 1991 Hungary: what are the politics of melancholy when, like
Bergman’s child at play, one no longer awaits the deceased master at the gates
of a train station, as does the dog Hachiko of Chris Marker’s Sans Soleil? Imre Kertész’s “Sworn
Statement,” identifies the loss of agape
with the impossibility of an embodied
politic. Peter Esterhazy’s “Life and Literature” ironizes Kertész’s refusal—an attachment to the
scene of loss—but substitutes, rather than supplementing
in Derrida’s sense, metonymic play for the political. The indiscernibility of
the signifier from the movement of the political becomes a screen that
articulates a separation, elevating aesthetics above politics to get around
“signification trauma,” offering it as a consolation prize for injustice.
14. Techno/logic
Robert Wilike (University of Wisconsin-La
Crosse):
“Gaming Ideology: Labor and Class in the ‘Ludo
Ecomony’”
Gaming
Ideology: Labor and Class in the 'Ludo-Economy'"
According to thinkers allied with the Autonomia movement—such as Antonio Negri
and Paulo Virno—the industrial age of capitalism, which was premised upon the
exploitation of "material" labor by capital, has given way to a new
economic regime built upon the expropriation of the cultural commons produced
by "immaterial" labor, including "ideas, information, images,
knowledges, code, languages, social relationships, affects and the like"
(Hardt, "The Common in Communism" 134-135).
It is this model of immaterial labor that has
become increasingly influential in the study of videogames as embodying a new
economic paradigm in both high theory— Dyer-Witheford and de Peuter's Games of Empire and Wark's Gamer Theory—as well as popular
commentaries—McGonical's Reality is
Broken and Chatfield's Fun Inc.—in
which value is understood, for better or worse, as produced and harvested by
"trapping the innovations of game player-producers within commercial
structures" (Dyer-Witheford and de Peuter xxx). According to this logic,
videogames have come to reflect the central contradictions of an immaterial
economy which "erode[s] the conventional divisions of the working day
between work time and nonwork time" (Hardt and Negri, Commonwealth 147) by turning the "play" of gamers into a
mechanism for the accumulation of affective, aesthetic and informational value.
In my paper, I will examine the deep influence
of the Autonomia movement's theory of
immaterial labor on contemporary readings of videogames as the emerging
cultural model of "ludocapitalism" (Dibbell, Play Money). Analyzing the theory of "immaterial labor"
in some detail, I will argue that videogames, far from representing a new
economic model based upon the common production of a class of videogame
player-producers, are best understood in terms of Marx's revolutionary
"labor theory of value," lest we obscure the economic realities of
exploitation by abstracting technological advances from the social relations of
production.
Kimberly DeFazio (University of Wisconsin-La
Crosse):
“Tool Aesthetics and the Humanities”
Today one of
the urgent issues confronting the humanities is the growing instrumentalization
of knowledge and culture. Some, like Giorgio Agamben,
address the increasing efforts of the state to control and manage all aspects
of human and non-human life (Homo Sacer).
Others, like Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt, focus on the efforts by
corporations to privatize the knowledges, affects and technologies that have
been developed through the collective energies of the multitude: the efforts to
enclose the digital commons in the interests of a powerful few (Commonwealth). Graham Harman goes so far as to suggest that the
“being” of tools is constitutive of all being in the contemporary moment (Tool-Being). What are the implications
for resistance in the era of the digital enclosures? How can the humanities
most effectively challenge calculative reason?
This
paper focuses especially on Negri’s (“peasant”) “religiosity of the tool”
(In Praise of the Common)—which blurs the boundary of the subject of
labor and nature—as an index of the way in which technology in the contemporary
moment is undergoing a re-enchantment. On these terms, the humanities
need to embrace technology as the space of “immanent” resistance (Commonwealth)
and what Thomas Streeter calls the “spontaneity” of countercultural
non-conformism against calculation and instrumentalization (The Net-Effect).
I argue that these approaches are ultimately a re-reading of Benjamin’s theory
of technology, which is itself premised on the displacement of dialectics for
immanence. Through Benjamin, new digital and biotechnologies are being
read as a means of harnessing technology’s potential for cognitive and
perceptual transformation. But this is an immanent transformation within
the relations of biocapitalism, which leaves the class relations between labor
and capital intact. In effect, I argue, contemporary theories of techne
embrace a new romanticism which substitutes mysticism for materialism and
forgets both that “aura-“ shattering technologies are themselves shaped by the
mode of production and thus that only when technologies are collectively owned
can technology help to realize human potentiality.
Eiland Glover (Georgia State University):
“Thinging Thing, Worlding World: Viaggio in
Italia’s Deictic Cinema as Model for a Radical Humanities”
The enigmatic diegetic turnabout at the end of
Roberto Rossellini’s Voyage to Italy
has both charmed and confounded its critics since its 1954 debut. After portraying the steady
deterioration of Katherine and Alex Joyce’s marriage over its first 80 minutes,
the film ends unexpectedly with the couple’s spontaneous—even
miraculous—embrace and reconciliation in its final 60 seconds. Yet this narrative unorthodoxy
represents only one of Rossellini’s many aesthetic innovations in Voyage to Italy, a film resounding with
meaningfulness in spite of the fact that, in it, nothing much happens.
My paper will explore the ways Voyage to Italy aesthetically creates
this phenomenon of “meaningfulness” in terms of (late) Heidegger’s concepts of
the “thing thinging” and “world worlding” (world-disclosing). I will begin with an overview of
Heidegger’s understanding of historical modes of being and then discuss the
current epoch of being, Gestell
(technology, enframing, technicity), one in which all things—nature, the earth,
people, etc.—show up primarily as resources to be made efficient and maximized. I will then argue that Gestell
as mode of being remains more deeply determinative of politics than economics
or class and, as such, should be targeted by radical cultural and aesthetic
praxis.
Following Borgmann, I will then distinguish 3
modes of discourse—apodeictic, paradeictic, and deictic—operating currently in
relation to Gestell: Apodeictic describes the universalizing,
explanatory discourse of the natural sciences that justifies and underwrites
the technological mode of being; Paradeictic, the mode of discourse in which
the humanities are mistakenly and deleteriously enmeshed, amounts to an
epistemologically lacking pseudo-apodeictic discourse that attempts to emulate
the empirical sciences with totalizing grand theory; Deictic discourse,
embodied in the aesthetic practices of Voyage
to Italy, represents a world-founding discourse (thinging things) that may
counter Gestell. I will finally show how the humanities
may adopt a deictic discourse.
No comments:
Post a Comment